[NYTr] Iraq: A Quagmire of Napoleonic Proportions

[All the News That Doesn't Fit]

Interpress Service - Aug 27, 2007
http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=39029

A Quagmire of Napoleonic Proportions

By Khody Akhavi

WASHINGTON, Aug 27 (IPS) - President George W. Bush's most recent
defence of his Iraq war policy was striking for its embrace of a
historical parallel the administration has painstakingly tried to avoid
for the last five years.

Last Wednesday, Bush offered selective "lessons" from U.S. military
involvement in Vietnam to the Veterans of Foreign Wars in Kansas City,
Missouri, arguing that leaving Iraq would provoke the kind of bloody
retribution that followed U.S. withdrawals from Indochina. In an
attempt to maintain some glimmer of support for a war which most U.S.
citizens have lost their stomach for, the president -- as many
historians and critics pointed out -- once again mangled history.

Is the U.S. quagmire in Iraq similar to the situation in Vietnam thirty
years earlier? Perhaps, but not quite in the way Bush imagines it. The
White House, it seems, continues to rely on a cadre of Middle East
experts -- among them Orientalist scholar Bernard Lewis and his
disciples -- who are more vested in the production of knowledge about
an imagined and stagnant "Near Orient" than the actual facts on the
ground.

If there are historical lessons to be learned from the Iraq debacle,
Juan Cole's new book "Napoleon's Egypt: Invading the Middle East" may
be a good place to start. Cole, a well-respected scholar of Middle East
history and author of "Informed Comment", a widely-read blog that
covers politics of the region, describes Napoleon Bonaparte's military
misadventure in Egypt in 1798 and the Bush administration's Iraq war as
historical bookends on modern imperialism in the Middle East.

In a Friday lecture at the New America Foundation, an eclectic
Washington-based think-tank of the self-described "radical centre",
Cole discussed his most recent work, offered some lessons from past
Western incursions in the region and the fallacious logic that
justified those interventions, as well as the political realities that
may ultimately precipitate a U.S. withdrawal from Iraq.

"[Bernard] Lewis seems to think that Middle Easterners are like
play-doh, but they are not -- they talk back," said Cole, referring to
the soft modeling compound made in bright colors and marketed for
children. "There are real people living in Iraq, with real aspirations."

In Cole's view, the Bush administration's rhetoric of "liberating Iraq"
from the clutches of a tyrannical leader with a hankering for weapons
of mass destruction can't mask its long-term neo-colonial ambitions.
Like Napoleon, Bush has a tendency to believe his own propaganda. Both
invasions deployed rhetoric of liberation. Like the French general,
Bush had a desire to create a "Greater Middle East", only to face an
insurgency that viewed the foreign presence as an occupation, not
liberation.

The idea that Bush's war would somehow bequeath a democratic polity in
Iraq doesn't add up in the final analysis either. As Cole observes,
Bush "willy-nilly was pushed into holding elections early," which
resulted in the ascendance of Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, a Shiite
political body led by Abdul Aziz al-Hakim and supported by the U.S.'s
regional foe, the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Two hundred years earlier, Napoleon appointed a group of Sunni scholars
from Cairo's Al-Azhar University to "rule" on behalf of Egypt's "newly
liberated" population. In both examples, a military occupation by
ostensibly "democratic republics" -- who wanted to craft occupied lands
in their own image -- ended up with Islamic republics.

And if Napoleon failed in his attempts to make Egypt a lucrative colony
of the French Republic, why would Bush have any easier of a time
turning Iraq into a "beacon of democracy" in the Middle East?

"The age of colonialism passed for very sociological reasons.
Populations can mobilise in very effective ways and will not be
crushed," said Cole. "The idea that America can just go in to shape a
country is a very 19th century idea."

Napoleon's military adventure in Egypt only lasted three years, but his
failure to subjugate the country's population, which was then a distant
province of the Ottoman Empire, did not limit his ambition for more
power. He returned to France and, falsely boasting of his victories and
conquests in the lands of "the Orient," positioned himself to launch a
coup, crowning himself emperor. As Cole notes, "In politics, a failure
and screw-up doesn't mean you can't win."

Bush may not be so lucky. The U.S. has "kicked off a decade or two of
regional instability" because of its military occupation of Iraq,
according to Cole. General David Petraeus's "surge strategy", its
ostensible failures and partial successes are only the latest in a
string of military answers that will not remedy the more complex and
increasingly intractable political situation.

"When you hear these numbers, be very critical," said Cole, referring
to Lt. General Raymond Odierno's comments regarding a significant
decrease in U.S. troop deaths in July, ostensibly a credit to the surge
and ordinary Iraqis frustration with al Qaeda terrorists and other
insurgents. Even the most "fanatical" insurgent would think twice about
targeting U.S. troops in the unbearable July heat in Iraq, he said.

"There are things that are seasonal that they [U.S.] misrepresent as
serial," he said.

The Bush administration's longest-running justification for staying in
Iraq involves the "bogey-man" of terrorists -- the iconic and largely
inflated al Qaeda, according to Cole. Foreign fighters who may
ostensibly be linked to the terrorist organisation number in the
hundreds or a little more than a thousand at most, he said.

It is evidenced in the fact that General Petraeus just had to talk to a
few tribal sheiks in Al Anbar province in order for the al Qaeda linked
insurgents to be killed off. Even so, anybody who associates himself
with the trans national terrorist network is doing so in order to
bolster his insurgent credentials and to appear as an implacable and
shadowy enemy.

"Does anybody have Osama [bin Laden]'s phone number in Iraq? This al
Qaeda business is just spin," said Cole.

(END/2007)