[NYTr] CONGRESS Briefed on Waterboarding in 2002
All the News That Doesn't Fit
nytr at blythe-systems.com
Sun Dec 9 13:31:11 EST 2007
sent by MichaelP
[Another example of Congress asleep at the wheel - failure/refusal to
exercise oversight. -MP]
The Washington Post - Dec 9, 2007
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/12/08/AR2007120801664.html
CONGRESS Briefed on Waterboarding in 2002
In Meetings, Spy Panels' Chiefs Did Not Protest, Officials Say
In September 2002, four members of Congress met in secret for a first look
at a unique CIA program designed to wring vital information from reticent
terrorism suspects in U.S. custody. For more than an hour, the bipartisan
group, which included current House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), was
given a virtual tour of the CIA's overseas detention sites and the harsh
techniques interrogators had devised to try to make their prisoners talk.
Among the techniques described, said two officials present, was
waterboarding, a practice that years later would be condemned as torture
by Democrats and some Republicans on Capitol Hill. But on that day, no
objections were raised. Instead, at least two lawmakers in the room asked
the CIA to push harder, two U.S. officials said.
CIA Director Michael V. Hayden said in an interview two months ago that he
had informed congressional overseers of CIA Director Michael V. Hayden
said in an interview two months ago that he had informed congressional
overseers of "all aspects of the detention and interrogation program." (By
Charles Dharapak -- Associated Press) "The briefer was specifically asked
if the methods were tough enough," said a U.S. official who witnessed the
exchange.
Congressional leaders from both parties would later seize on waterboarding
as a symbol of the worst excesses of the Bush administration's
counterterrorism effort. The CIA last week admitted that videotape of an
interrogation of one of the waterboarded detainees was destroyed in 2005
against the advice of Justice Department and White House officials,
provoking allegations that its actions were illegal and the destruction
was a coverup.
Yet long before "waterboarding" entered the public discourse, the CIA gave
key legislative overseers about 30 private briefings, some of which
included descriptions of that technique and other harsh interrogation
methods, according to interviews with multiple U.S. officials with
firsthand knowledge.
With one known exception, no formal objections were raised by the
lawmakers briefed about the harsh methods during the two years in which
waterboarding was employed, from 2002 to 2003, said Democrats and
Republicans with direct knowledge of the matter. The lawmakers who held
oversight roles during the period included Pelosi and Rep. Jane Harman
(D-Calif.) and Sens. Bob Graham (D-Fla.) and John D. Rockefeller IV
(D-W.Va.), as well as Rep. Porter J. Goss (R-Fla.) and Sen. Pat Roberts
(R-Kan).
Individual lawmakers' recollections of the early briefings varied
dramatically, but officials present during the meetings described the
reaction as mostly quiet acquiescence, if not outright support. "Among
those being briefed, there was a pretty full understanding of what the CIA
was doing," said Goss, who chaired the House intelligence committee from
1997 to 2004 and then served as CIA director from 2004 to 2006. "And the
reaction in the room was not just approval, but encouragement."
Congressional officials say the groups' ability to challenge the practices
was hampered by strict rules of secrecy that prohibited them from being
able to take notes or consult legal experts or members of their own
staffs. And while various officials have described the briefings as
detailed and graphic, it is unclear precisely what members were told about
waterboarding and how it is conducted. Several officials familiar with the
briefings also recalled that the meetings were marked by an atmosphere of
deep concern about the possibility of an imminent terrorist attack.
"In fairness, the environment was different then because we were closer to
Sept. 11 and people were still in a panic," said one U.S. official
present during the early briefings. "But there was no objecting, no
hand-wringing. The attitude was, 'We don't care what you do to those guys
as long as you get the information you need to protect the American
people.' "
Only after information about the practice began to leak in news accounts
in 2005 -- by which time the CIA had already abandoned waterboarding --
did doubts about its legality among individual lawmakers evolve into more
widespread dissent. The opposition reached a boiling point this past
October, when Democratic lawmakers condemned the practice during Michael
B. Mukasey's confirmation hearings for attorney general.
GOP lawmakers and Bush administration officials have previously said
members of Congress were well informed and were supportive of the CIA's
use of harsh interrogation techniques. But the details of who in Congress
knew what, and when, about waterboarding -- a form of simulated drowning
that is the most extreme and widely condemned interrogation technique --
have not previously been disclosed.
U.S. law requires the CIA to inform Congress of covert activities and
allows the briefings to be limited in certain highly sensitive cases to a
"Gang of Eight," including the four top congressional leaders of both
parties as well as the four senior intelligence committee members. In
this case, most briefings about detainee programs were limited to the
"Gang of Four," the top Republican and Democrat on the two committees. A
few staff members were permitted to attend some of the briefings.
That decision reflected the White House's decision that the "enhanced
interrogation" program would be treated as one of the nation's top
secrets for fear of warning al-Qaeda members about what they might expect,
said U.S. officials familiar with the decision. Critics have since said
the administration's motivation was at least partly to hide from view an
embarrassing practice that the CIA considered vital but outsiders would
almost certainly condemn as abhorrent.
Information about the use of waterboarding nonetheless began to seep out
after a furious internal debate among military lawyers and policymakers
over its legality and morality. Once it became public, other members of
Congress -- beyond the four that interacted regularly with the CIA on its
most sensitive activities -- insisted on being briefed on it, and the
circle of those in the know widened.
In September 2006, the CIA for the first time briefed all members of the
House and Senate intelligence committees, producing some heated exchanges
with CIA officials, including Director Michael V. Hayden. The CIA director
said during a television interview two months ago that he had informed
congressional overseers of "all aspects of the detention and interrogation
program." He said the "rich dialogue" with Congress led him to propose a
new interrogation program that President Bush formally announced over the
summer
"I can't describe that program to you," Hayden said. "But I would suggest
to you that it would be wrong to assume that the program of the past is
necessarily the program moving forward into the future."
Waterboarding Used on at Least 3
Waterboarding as an interrogation technique has its roots in some of
history's worst totalitarian nations, from Nazi Germany and the Spanish
Inquisition to North Korea and Iraq. In the United States, the technique
was first used five decades ago as a training tool to give U.S. troops a
realistic sense of what they could expect if captured by the Soviet Union
or the armies of Southeast Asia. The U.S. military has officially regarded
the tactic as torture since the Spanish-American War.
In general, the technique involves strapping a prisoner to a board or
other flat surface, and then raising his feet above the level of his head.
A cloth is then placed over the subject's mouth and nose, and water is
poured over his face to make the prisoner believe he is drowning.
U.S. officials knowledgeable about the CIA's use of the technique say it
was used on three individuals -- Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the alleged
mastermind of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks; Zayn Abidin Muhammed
Hussein Abu Zubaida, a senior al-Qaeda member and Osama bin Laden
associate captured in Pakistan in March 2002; and a third detainee who has
not been publicly identified.
Abu Zubaida, the first of the "high-value" detainees in CIA custody, was
subjected to harsh interrogation methods beginning in spring 2002 after he
refused to cooperate with questioners, the officials said. CIA briefers
gave the four intelligence committee members limited information about Abu
Zubaida's detention in spring 2002, but offered a more detailed account of
its interrogation practices in September of that year, said officials with
direct knowledge of the briefings.
The CIA provided another briefing the following month, and then about 28
additional briefings over five years, said three U.S. officials with
firsthand knowledge of the meetings. During these sessions, the agency
provided information about the techniques it was using as well as the
information it collected.
Lawmakers have varied recollections about the topics covered in the
briefings.
Graham said he has no memory of ever being told about waterboarding or
other harsh tactics. Graham left the Senate intelligence committee in
January 2003, and was replaced by Rockefeller. "Personally, I was unaware
of it, so I couldn't object," Graham said in an interview. He said he now
believes the techniques constituted torture and were illegal.
Pelosi declined to comment directly on her reaction to the classified
briefings. But a congressional source familiar with Pelosi's position on
the matter said the California lawmaker did recall discussions about
enhanced interrogation. The source said Pelosi recalls that techniques
described by the CIA were still in the planning stage -- they had been
designed and cleared with agency lawyers but not yet put in practice --
and acknowledged that Pelosi did not raise objections at the time.
Harman, who replaced Pelosi as the committee's top Democrat in January
2003, disclosed Friday that she filed a classified letter to the CIA in
February of that year as an official protest about the interrogation
program. Harman said she had been prevented from publicly discussing the
letter or the CIA's program because of strict rules of secrecy.
"When you serve on intelligence committee you sign a second oath -- one of
secrecy," she said. "I was briefed, but the information was closely held
to just the Gang of Four. I was not free to disclose anything."
CIA Director Michael V. Hayden said in an interview two months ago that he
had informed congressional overseers of CIA Director Michael V. Hayden
said in an interview two months ago that he had informed congressional
overseers of "all aspects of the detention and interrogation program." (By
Charles Dharapak -- Associated Press)
Roberts declined to comment on his participation in the briefings.
Rockefeller also declined to talk about the briefings, but the West
Virginia Democrat's public statements show him leading the push in 2005
for expanded congressional oversight and an investigation of CIA
interrogation practices. "I proposed without success, both in committee
and on the Senate floor, that the committee undertake an investigation of
the CIA's detention and interrogation activities," Rockefeller said in a
statement Friday.
Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), a former Vietnam War prisoner who is seeking
the GOP presidential nomination, took an early interest in the program
even though he was not a member of the intelligence committee, and spoke
out against waterboarding in private conversations with White House
officials in late 2005 before denouncing it publicly.
In May 2007, four months after Democrats regained control of Congress and
well after the CIA had forsworn further waterboarding, four senators
submitted written objections to the CIA's use of that tactic and other,
still unspecified "enhanced" techniques in two classified letters to
Hayden last spring, shortly after receiving a classified hearing on the
topic. One letter was sent on May 1 by Sen. Russell Feingold (D-Wis.).
A similar letter was sent May 10 by a bipartisan group of three senators:
Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), Chuck Hagel (R-Neb.) and Ron Wyden (D-Ore.).
In a rare public statement last month that broached the subject of his
classified objections, Feingold complained about administration claims of
congressional support, saying that it was "not the case" that lawmakers
briefed on the CIA's program "have approved it or consented to it."
[Staff writers Josh White and Walter Pincus and staff researcher Julie
Tate contributed to this report.]
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