[NYTr] Analyzing Zimbabwe's Crises

All the News That Doesn't Fit nytr at blythe-systems.com
Tue Dec 18 15:36:52 EST 2007


sent by Gregory Elich

Black Star News - Dec 16, 2007
http://blackstarnews.com/?c=122&a=3997

Analyzing Zimbabwes Crises

By Netfa Freeman

If Kwame Nkrumah were still able, how would this revolutionary
Pan-Africanists classify Zimbabwe today? 

According to Nkrumah’s very instructive Handbook of Revolutionary
Warfare Africa can be broken down into three zones distinguished by
certain political states of affairs. This is commonly known as his
Three Zone Theory or Three Zone Analysis, with the three being
“liberated zones”, “contested zones”, and “enemy controlled zones”.

So, is Zimbabwe a contested or liberated zone?

This question arises regarding Zimbabwe because of the assertion by
some that it is a liberated area or zone and because still others doubt
this. So then, a critical examination becomes necessary. 

It should be apparent that Zimbabwe is not an enemy controlled zone
since that is defined as a state under imperialist control through a
foreign manned administration, a puppet government, or a settler
minority government.  Since such is what determines an enemy controlled
zone Zimbabwe cannot fit that de scri ption and if it did it would not
be under such heavy attack by the West. 

Because the complexity of Africa's politico-economic situation has
changed considerably since the time Nkrumah formulated these
classifications it becomes necessary to refine how we further apply the
analysis. A closer examination reveals the following:

A contested zone is defined as an area that starts under enemy control
then becomes contested when “the revolutionary forces in activity there
are either on the verge of armed struggle or have reached an advanced
stage of revolutionary organization.  In such a situation the enemy is
only in superficial command and relies exclusively on support of the
police, civil service and the army, where it retains control only as
long as the force of habit remains unchallenged.” 

Zimbabwe is clearly beyond this stage since the forces of the
liberation struggle have already rid the people of what was settler
minority rule and now the liberation forces themselves have control
over the police, civil service and the army.  The government of the
liberation forces is recognized internationally as a sovereign nation.
To call Zimbabwe contested is to legitimize as “revolutionary” the
forces of neo-colonialism who are openly and shamelessly supported and
encouraged by imperialism—that is, the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), and a plague of
NGO’s or “non-governmental organizations”, etc. all of which work to
blur the lines between individual versus social/collective rights
through their opposition to the government and which mirror the
imperialist agenda against Zimbabwe.

Some would maintain however, that because Zimbabwe’s economy is still
dominated internally and externally by capitalism this classifies it as
contested at best.  It is true that major industries and enterprises,
such as mining, hotels, etc. are still predominantly capitalist owned
and controlled; a legacy of settler colonialism. Hopefully this fact
will be short lived and very recently we can see the first concrete
steps toward state seizer of mining since independence. 

Such things cannot happen over night but this past November the
Zimbabwe government did release a 60-page draft proposal for amendments
that strip foreign control of mining and give control over key mines to
the state.  Regardless, nowhere does Nkrumah’s analysis suggest that an
area must have completely rid itself of all vestiges of capitalism
and/or have in place a socialist economy in order to graduate from
contested to liberated status.  Furthermore, is such a scenario even
possible today with the global economy now more intricately integrated
and with neo-colonialism so firmly entrenched on the continent? 

Nkrumahist-Tureist ideology—named in honor of the theoretical and
practical contributions of Presidents Osageyfo Kwame Nkrumah and Ahmed
Sekou Ture—holds that political independence is one of the
preconditions for socialist revolution and that by definition socialism
is still a class stratified- society, which will have varying and
particular manifestations of capitalism. As Nkrumah once said, “Seek ye
first the political kingdom.” 

Politics means a disposition of power, which is what allows a people to
control their economy.

Some changes that have occurred in Africa's politico-economic situation
are relevant to understand capitalism’s continued dominance over
Zimbabwe.  First, at the time when Nkrumah formulated the three-zone
analysis a strong socialist block existed, offering an alternative with
which to trade and collaborate.  In addition, the call for socialism
enjoyed a much greater and broader affinity among the African masses
and in the Diaspora.  Neither of these conditions exists today. 

In addition, Africa as a whole has deviated from her revolutionary path
towards political and economic integration or continental unity, which
Nkrumah foresaw as necessary to overcome her dependence on capitalism
and the West.  Lastly, the West’s pressure on African nations to
subscribe to multi-party systems, so-calling them “greater expressions
of democracy”, is used to polarize the people, as what it is really
meant to do.  Nkrumah warned us of this phenomenon. In such
parliamentary governments multiple parties, including reactionary ones
serving neo-colonial interest, can hold seats and influence policy.
Unfortunately Zimbabwe has been no exception. Although ZANU-PF
(Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front), Zimbabwe’s ruling
party did not originally have the objective of sharing power with other
parties this was one of the compromises of the 1979 Lancaster House
Agreement that brokered Zimbabwe’s independence and has been used to
preserve settler privilege and manufacture alternative poles of
attraction.

It may be unknown or disputed, but since its inception there has always
been the struggle internal to ZANU-PF to further the cause of
socialism.  History reveals that the 2002 fast track land reclamation
process was not the first step in breaking capitalist control in
Zimbabwe.  Adopted at the Second People’s Congress in August 1984 was
the Leadership Code, which was established to “impose on (ZANU-PF)
leaders a strict code of behavior with a view to assuring the advent of
socialism in Zimbabwe”.   The preamble of this code and the ZANU
constitution declare ZANU-PF a “Socialist Party”. 

A detailed account and critical analysis of Zimbabwe’s history has to
be made to explain the set backs and challenges along its revolutionary
path and why capitalism still dominates the economy today.  What must
also be taken into consideration is the evolving complexity of the
global economy and imperialism, as it resists and adapts to oppressed
people’s struggle for justice.  The question is; should not Zimbabwe be
defined by including the objectives of its ruling party, ZANU-PF or
merely by the situation in which the current circumstances confine them
and the rest of world?

When compared with Nkrumah’s de scri ption of a liberated area, we see
that it is not a stretch to say Zimbabwe stands the test of scrutiny.
Liberated zones are defined “as territories where: [a.] Independence
was secured through armed struggle, or through a positive action
movement representing the majority of the population under the
leadership of an anti-imperialist and well organized mass party.  [b.]
A puppet regime was overthrown by a people's movement (Zanzibar,
Congo-Brazzaville, Egypt), and [c.] A social revolution is taking place
to consolidate political independence by: 1. Prompting accelerated
economic development 2. Improving working conditions 3. Establish
complete freedom from dependence on foreign economic interest.”  While
Zimbabwe clearly conforms to item (a.) and item (b.) does not apply,
item (c.) needs more critical examination. 

A social revolution has been taking place in Zimbabwe that started with
accelerated economic development during the first decade of
independence. According to Deborah Pott’s Structural Adjustment and
Poverty: Perceptions From Zimbabwe, the economy enjoyed an average
annual growth rate of 4% with reputable achievements in public health
and education.  This occurred while cutting its debt-service ratio in
half between 1985 and 1989. 

Only the World Bank’s Economic Structural Adjustment Programs (ESAP)
taken on in 1991 that began Zimbabwe’s plunge into its current economic
challenges interrupted these achievements.  Surely the working
conditions since independence were a marked improvement over those of
Rhodesian settler colonial apartheid. 

Zimbabwe has not, however, established complete freedom from dependence
on foreign economic interest.  “Complete freedom” from foreign economic
interest is difficult to determine and seems it may be impossible until
a more revolutionary unity exists in Africa as a whole.  It can be said
that Zimbabwe is in the process toward this freedom with its Land
reclamation program, the 2000 abolition of the ESAP (a fact for which
the government rarely gets credit, but is often condemned by so-called
progressives for the mistake of adopting the ESAP) and we should not
forget the aforementioned developments in the mining industry.  These
are things for which all African people should be proud of Zimbabwe and
surely more such bold measure against capitalism and imperialism are
inevitable there.

Things are undeniably not as they should be in Zimbabwe. What's more,
the difficulties entrenched on the continent of Africa as a whole do
not help the situation. 

However, all things considered Zimbabwe seems to have earned Nkrumah’s
designation of a Liberated Zone and as such deserves the support and
encouragement of all genuine revolutionary Pan-Africanists.


[Netfa Freeman is currently the director of the Social Action &
Leadership School for Activists at the Institute for Policy Studies.
Mr. Freeman is a longtime activist in the Pan-African and international
human rights movements. Netfa is also a co-producer/co-host for Voices
With Vision, WPFW 89.3 FM, Washington DC. He can be reached at
netfa at hotsalsa.org ]



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