[NYTr] Democ. Now - Pakistan in Turmoil: Tariq Ali, Manan Ahmed

[All the News That Doesn't Fit]

See Also:

Fatima Bhutto: Aunt Benazir's False Promises (Nov 14, 2007)
http://blythe-systems.com/pipermail/nytr/Week-of-Mon-20071112/071592.html

Daughter of the West: Tariq Ali on Pakistan, Bhutto & Musharraf 12/16/07
http://blythe-systems.com/pipermail/nytr/Week-of-Mon-20071210/073031.html


sent by Joan Malerich

Democracy Now - Dec 28, 2007
http://www.democracynow.org/2007/12/28/pakistan_in_turmoil_after_benazir_bhuttos


Pakistan in Turmoil after Benazir Bhutto's Assassination

Hundreds and thousands of Pakistanis attend the funeral of former 
Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. Pakistan's political future 
remains unclear and riots erupted as news of Bhutto's assassination 
spread across the country. Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf has 
blamed Islamic militants for carrying out the assassination, but
several associates of Bhutto have accused Musharraf himself of having a
role. In an email sent to a confidant in the US two months ago, Benazir
Bhutto wrote that Musharraf should be held "responsible" if she was 
assassinated, because his government did not do enough to provide for 
her security. We go to British-Pakistani author and activist Tariq Ali 
in London and historian Manan Ahmed in Chicago for analysis of the 
current crisis and Benazir Bhutto's checkered history. 

Guests:

Tariq Ali, acclaimed British-Pakistani historian, activist, and 
commentator joins us now on the phone from London. He is one of the 
editors of the New Left Review and the author of a dozen books.

Manan Ahmed, historian of Pakistan and South Asian Islam. He blogs at 
Chapati Mystery and at Juan Cole's Informed Comment.


JUAN GONZALEZ: Benazir Bhutto, the twice-elected Prime Minister of 
Pakistan, has just been buried in her home province of Sindh. She was 
assassinated Thursday evening after a political rally near the capital, 
plunging the country into a state of chaos.

Hundreds of thousands of people gathered in her ancestral village for 
her funeral, despite a long night of violence. As news of Bhutto's
death rippled across the country, Pakistan was engulfed by riots.

Benazir Bhutto, the fifty-four-year-old mother of three, comes from a 
family steeped in both politics and tragedy. Her father Zulfikar Ali 
Bhutto was a democratically elected populist leader in the 1970s who
was executed by the military regime of General Zia-ul-Haq in 1979. One
of her brothers was poisoned, and another shot to death.

AMY GOODMAN: Bhutto returned to Pakistan this October after being
forced from power in 1996 on corruption charges. Her return was
brokered by the United States. But Bhutto's homecoming was met with a
suicide bombing she narrowly survived. 140 people were killed in that
attack.

Bhutto spoke out against the bombing and said she believes government 
officials might have been involved in the attack.

      BENAZIR BHUTTO: We want to avoid bloodshed. We want to avoid loss
      of life. But I also want to say that if it means sacrificing our
      lives, if it means sacrificing our liberty to save Pakistan and to
      save democracy, because we believe democracy alone can save
      Pakistan from disintegration and a militant takeover, then we are
      prepared to risk our lives, and we are prepared to risk our
      liberty. But we are not prepared to surrender our great nation to
      the militants.


AMY GOODMAN: Benazir Bhutto, speaking in October after escaping a 
suicide bombing attempt. President Musharraf expressed his condolences 
to Bhutto's family on Thursday after the assassination and announced a 
three-day period of mourning. He blamed "terrorists" for the attack and 
said terrorism is the country's biggest hurdle.

      PRESIDENT PERVEZ MUSHARRAF: [translated] I have always said that
      the biggest threat to Pakistan and this nation is from these
      terrorists. Today, on this sad occasion, I want to make a pledge.
      I want to make this pledge, and I seek unity and support from the
      nation, that they will support me in this, that we will not sit
      and rest until we get rid of these terrorists and root them out
      completely. This is the only way out for Pakistan and for the
      nation, because this is the biggest hurdle for our prosperity and
      progress.


AMY GOODMAN: Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf condemning
the assassination of Benazir Bhutto. Nawaz Sharif, once Bhutto's
staunch political rival, also a former prime minister, visited the
hospital shortly after Bhutto died. He blamed President Musharraf for
allowing the "lapses in security" and announced that he would boycott
the elections.

Three hours before the attack on Bhutto, gunfire killed four supporters 
of Nawaz Sharif in a rally outside Islamabad.

NAWAZ SHARIF: [translated] The attacks on the two biggest national 
political parties on the same day indicate the intention of Musharraf. 
It was a preconceived conspiracy. Now this fully proves that there can 
be no free elections in Musharraf's presence. The chaos and killings 
cannot stop until Musharraf is there. There can be no peace in his 
presence, and the Federation of Pakistan cannot stand firm. And there
is no doubt in that. In these circumstances, we have decided that after
the barbaric killing of Benazir Bhutto, we are going to boycott the
elections.

JUAN GONZALEZ: Pakistani opposition leader Nawaz Sharif announcing his 
boycott of the elections scheduled for January 8th. The government, 
however, has reportedly said it will go ahead with the elections.

President Bush also denounced the attack Thursday and held "murderous 
extremists" responsible.

      PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH: The United States strongly condemns this
      cowardly act by murderous extremists who are trying to undermine
      Pakistan's democracy. Those who committed this crime must be
      brought to justice. Mrs. Bhutto served her nation twice as prime
      minister, and she knew that her return to Pakistan earlier this
      year put her life at risk. Yet she refused to allow assassins to
      dictate the course of her country. We stand with the people of
      Pakistan in their struggle against the forces of terror and
      extremism. We urge them to honor Benazir Bhutto's memory by
      continuing with the democratic process for which she so bravely
      gave her life.


AMY GOODMAN: President Bush condemning the assassination of the former 
Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto.

For the latest update on Pakistan, we turn first to Manan Ahmed, a 
historian of modern Pakistan and South Asian Islam. He blogs at Chapati 
Mystery <http://www.chapatimystery.com/> and Juan Cole's Informed 
Comment: Global Affairs <http://icga.blogspot.com/>. We welcome you, 
Manan, to /Democracy Now!/. First, talk about the latest that you 
understand is happening.

MANAN AHMED: Thank you for having me, Amy. The latest that
I've---that's being reported through national and local media in
Pakistan is that the government has called for an all-party conference
and for the sake of determining whether the elections will be held
January 8th or not. And the government has stated that whatever the
decision emerges out of the all-party conference, they would abide by
it, which is a very important step since Nawaz Sharif, as we just
heard, has issued a boycott of the election.

The Pakistan People's Party has announced a forty-day mourning period. 
And other major political players, such as Jamaat-e-Islami, the
Islamist parties, have so far---and MQM---have so far been on the fence
about whether or not they will participate any further.

JUAN GONZALEZ: Well, Manan, given the forty-day mourning period
declared by the People's Party, how could the government even be
considering going ahead with these elections, as we're only talking
about a little bit more than a week from now?

MANAN AHMED: Right, and that's absolutely right. You know, it's very 
hard to imagine an election taking place with campaigning and
candidates standing, in the sense that if the government decides to go
through with it, then the only clear indication would be that PLM-Q,
the sort of the pro-government, pro-Musharraf party, has been put
specifically in power. So the election, for all purposes, would appear
to be rigged.

AMY GOODMAN: We're going to go now to Britain to Tariq Ali, the British 
Pakistani historian, activist, commentator, one of the editors of the 
"New Left Review," author of more than a dozen books, was recently back 
in Pakistan, where he was born. Tariq, talk about your response on 
Thursday when you heard the news, and talk about why Benazir Bhutto 
returned to Pakistan.

TARIQ ALI: Well, Amy, my first reaction was anger. I was livid that
Bush and his acolytes in Britain had fixed this deal, pushing her to do
a deal with Musharraf, forcing her to play a role, which, of course,
she agreed to do---it has to be admitted---in Pakistan, which she was
not capable of playing. She made some extremely injudicious remarks,
saying that she would go back, she was the only person who could deal
with terrorism, etc., etc. The fact was that this was not the case.

And, you know, to---I wrote at the time that it is a big, big problem 
when you try and arrange a political marriage between two parties who 
loathe each other. And so, Musharraf very rapidly, after her return, 
embarrassed her by instituting a state of emergency. And she then
didn't know whether to defend the state of emergency; finally, she
attacked it. So the whole situation was a complete mess.

And now, everyone in Pakistan knows that an election organized in this 
fashion, under the leadership of a guy who's become a master at rigging 
elections, is not going to achieve anything. So Benazir was advised by 
close advisers, including one of the central leaders of her party, 
Aitzaz Ahsan, who is still in prison, by the way, saying we must not 
participate in this election, it's totally fake and rigged, it should
be boycotted. She refused to accept that, because Washington insisted
that she participate in this election, and she was torn in her
loyalties. And finally, she, a woman of great physical courage, lacked
the political courage to defy Washington. And I have to say this, it's
cost her her life. Had she decided to boycott the election, this would
not have happened.

And for Washington to send her to Pakistan, reassuring her that she 
would be safe, is shocking. At the very least, if they were insistent
on doing this, they could have provided her with a Marine guard like
Karzai gets in Kabul. But, you know, they depended on the locals to
guard her, and they obviously couldn't do it. So she's now dead. And
it's a tragedy. It's a personal tragedy for her and her family. And it
sort of has begun, embarked on a new crisis for Pakistan, which is
going to get worse.

I mean, I think Musharraf's days are numbered. I don't think he will
be, even if he has this fake election in a week or ten days' time,
which Bush is forcing him to do---I mean, I cannot understand, for the
life of me, how the President of the United States can be so isolated
and remote from reality as to insist that an election goes ahead when
one of the central political leaders in the country, backed by
Washington, has just been assassinated. I mean, what the hell are they
going to achieve from this election? Nothing. It will not give
legitimacy to anyone. It will create possibly, very rapidly afterwards,
a new crisis, and then they will have to have a new military leader
stepping in.

AMY GOODMAN: We're talking to Tariq Ali, a British Pakistani historian, 
activist, commentator; also Manan Ahmed, historian of modern Pakistan 
and South Asian Islam. 

[break]

JUAN GONZALEZ: Yes, I'd like to ask Tariq Ali, I was struck by your 
counter-posing the physical courage of Benazir Bhutto with some of the 
lack of political courage. And this is something that you've remarked
in many of your articles in the past, including interviews you had with 
her. I remember one article where you talked about a 1988 interview, I 
think it was, that you had with her when she was prime minister and how 
she was hemmed in by the political forces in Pakistan, but would not 
publicly tell her supporters what was going on. Could you talk about 
that in this sort of---this trend throughout her leadership of this
lack of political courage.

TARIQ ALI: Well, Juan, this is absolutely right, and it's been her 
tragedy and the country's tragedy. When she came to power, elected for 
the first time, it is absolutely true she was hemmed in by the military 
on one side and an old rogue of a bureaucrat who had been made
president on the other.

And she told me very openly, "I can't do anything." And I said to her
at the time in Prime Minister's house in Islamabad, "I understand that,
but there are two things you have to do. One, you have to make it very
clear to the people publicly that this is the reason I can't deliver my 
promises on land reform, on health, on education. They won't let me do 
anything. This is why I can't make any readjustments in foreign policy. 
They have imposed their own foreign minister, Yacoub, on me, who
insists we carry on as before," etc. etc. She didn't do that.

And I think by this time she had become a very different person 
politically from what she had been earlier and had decided that she 
didn't want to be on the wrong side of history, so to speak. She more
or less said that to me. And she realized or she thought that the only
way to survive in this world was basically to do the bidding of the
army at home and Washington abroad, two institutions which had led to 
the---which had basically bumped off her dad in 1979 and which were not 
going to do her any favors.

AMY GOODMAN: Tariq, explain that, how her father died and who was 
involved in his assassination, in his execution.

TARIQ ALI: Her father was probably the most popular politician in 
Pakistan, pledging massive social reforms. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who had 
been elected in the 1970 elections, had won a large majority in the 
country that we now know as Pakistan and had been elected on a very 
radical platform. He came to power.

He implemented some of his reforms, not all, became extremely 
autocratic, clashed with the United States on a number of issues, 
including Pakistan's right to have nuclear weapons. Henry Kissinger 
warned him in private that if you do not desist on the nuclear issue,
we will make a terrible example out of you. That's what Bhutto wrote
from his death cell. The United States organized a military coup
d'etat. General Zia-ul-Haq took power in 1977, organized a trial
against Bhutto, charging him with an absurd charge of murdering
someone. The judges were pressured, and they found him guilty, and
Bhutto was hanged in April 1979. It could not have happened without US
support and approval, because Zia was a nobody, and Washington clearly
green-lighted the murder.

And Bhutto, from his death cell, wrote a very moving document called
"If I Am Assassinated," in which he said there are two
hegemonies---these are his words. He said, "There are two hegemonies
that dominate our country. One is an internal hegemony, and the other
is an external hegemony. And unless we challenge the external hegemony,
we will never be able to deal with the internal one," meaning
Washington is the external hegemony and the army is the internal one.
And this is a problem which still haunts Pakistan and which, I have to
say, has now created this new crisis.

And unfortunately, his daughter decided to collaborate with both of 
these hegemonies. One has to say this. Her second period in office was
a total disaster, because not only did she do nothing for the poor or
her natural constituency, but basically it became an extremely corrupt 
government, and she and her husband accumulated $1.5 billion through 
corruption. This is well known to everyone.

Now, when the United States decided they wanted to put her back in 
there, they told her, we are going to whitewash you so clean no one
will even know. And this is what the global media and networks have
been doing. Look, I knew her well. I'm very upset that she's dead. But
the piety being displayed on the global media networks is beyond
belief. You know, it's as if there's no past, no history in this
country or its politicians.

JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to ask Manan Ahmed about that, as well. She is 
being obviously lionized, especially in the US press, as a martyr, and 
she was considered, of among the leaders, the potential leaders of 
Pakistan, the one that would most go after terrorism or extremism, but 
she herself, when she was in her second period as prime minister,
helped back the Taliban in Afghanistan, didn't she?

MANAN AHMED: Yes, that's right. I mean, there was a history of
political deals made not just in Afghanistan, but also in Sawat region,
I mean, the region that currently is a huge source of aggravation for
the military regime with separatist movement. And during her second
tenure, she allowed an Islamist agenda to be implemented, although
curtailed to a certain extent. So, I mean, the sort of mythology of her
being a sole democratic, modern, secular force in Pakistan is
absolutely erroneous.

The key, I think, here is just as Tariq Ali has pointed out, is that
the emphasis on her being the sole democratic sort of voice in Pakistan
is belied simply by the events of 2007, when, in Pakistan since March,
the lawyers and the civil society has participated in a mass movement
for judicial rights, rights of the judiciary, for democratic practices.
And this is a movement which had nothing to do with Benazir Bhutto in
any shape as an ideologue or as a leader. This was a true movement of 
democratic reform that Washington should have supported from the very 
beginning, or at least since August, when it became clear that it was 
clearly the will of the Pakistani people. And installing Benazir from 
outside or brokering a deal undercut whatever legitimacy that she may 
have had with the people of Pakistan, which is not denying the fact 
that, you know, she is---I'm sorry, she was a very popular leader. But 
legitimacy is the key term here, something that Musharraf's regime is 
now sorely lacking, as well.

AMY GOODMAN: Let's talk for a minute about Benazir Bhutto returning.
The Washington Post reports the United States brokered Bhutto's
return to Pakistan in October in a deal where she could be prime
minister, Musharraf could retain the presidency. In August of this
year, Benazir Bhutto discussed her negotiations with General Musharraf.

      BENAZIR BHUTTO: As far as my understanding with General Musharraf
      is concerned, the ban on the twice-elected prime minister must go
      before the election period kicks in. And if that ban does not go,
      then obviously the agreement is not there.

AMY GOODMAN: That was Benazir Bhutto in August. Tariq Ali, you begin an 
extended piece that you wrote over this twenty-four hours by talking 
about who in Washington, people like John Negroponte, who were 
instrumental in her return.

TARIQ ALI: Well, yeah. I mean, John Negroponte was the ghoulish 
go-between fixing up---trying to fix up the marriage between Benazir
and Musharraf, backed, as always, by the ever-loyal acolytes in the
British Foreign Office, who were also pushing this deal without any
real understanding, in my opinion, of what was going on in the country
or what the country needed.

And essentially, Amy, if one has to ask the question, what was the 
desperation? The notion that the Jihadis in Pakistan are on the verge
of achieving power is total nonsense. There is no danger, in my
opinion, of any Jihadis coming close to Pakistan's nuclear facilities.
The army is half-a-million strong, one of the toughest armies in the
world. It will not permit anyone to get close to the nuclear facility,
the Jihadis or the United States, if they tried. So that is not on.

The real crisis is a crisis in Afghanistan, which they don't like 
talking about, an occupation which is going badly wrong, seeing the 
revival of the Taliban. The United States knows this fully well and is 
negotiating with the Taliban behind the scenes. They don't even bother 
denying it.

So this is what is going on, and they needed a politician in Pakistan 
who could act on their behalf, like Karzai does in Kabul. And they 
picked Benazir, because they didn't trust the Sharif brothers. They 
thought they were too close to the Saudis, which is true, by the way.
So they picked on Benazir to do the deal, because they thought
Musharraf on his own was too closely attached to extremely retrograde
elements and that Benazir would be able to swing it. But, you know,
nothing in Pakistan can be swung without the army.

So they were the key players, and they, 'til now, have been backing 
Musharraf. And they backed Musharraf's decision to impose an emergency, 
which completely pulled the rug underneath Benazir's feet. And it's at 
this point that the United States should have realized that an election 
in these conditions is completely foolish. It was not going to deliver 
anything. It was going to be rigged. There was no secret about it. 
Benazir herself said this: "I fear this is going to be a rigged 
election." Well, if that is the case, why participate in it?

AMY GOODMAN: Our top story yesterday, before we learned of Benazir 
Bhutto's assassination, was Pakistan, and it was the news that had come 
out about questions being raised over how Pakistan had spent $5 billion 
in US aid sent since the September 11th attacks. According to the New 
York Times, the money was supposed to have been spent to fight
al-Qaeda and the Taliban, but now US officials are admitting that the
funds were diverted to help finance weapons designed to counter India,
another US ally. Tariq Ali?

TARIQ ALI: Well, this is totally true, and why are they surprised? It's 
been happening for years. You know, I remember during the war in 
Afghanistan when the Russians were there in the '80s. The United
States, you know, sent billions into Pakistan in both money and
weapons, including very advanced weapons, to help the Pakistan army and
the Jihadi groups fight the Soviets in Afghanistan. And the same thing
was happening: weapons were being sold on the open market, weapons
money was being diverted. And when the Pentagon sent in its auditors to
check what was happening to the money, one of the largest arms dumps,
where a lot of American equipment was stored, suddenly blew up the day
before the team delegation arrived from the United States in Ojri. I
happened to be in the country then, and the blast was heard all over
the city. So that is what they do. So no one should be surprised that
this is what is being done.

I mean, essentially, the Pakistani---or sections inside the Pakistani 
military have never got used to the idea that they are no longer strong 
in Afghanistan, that they no longer control Kabul, and they believe
that after NATO leaves, they'll take it back. And for the United
States, the choice is either to use the Pakistan army as a cop to
control Afghanistan or to fix a regional deal so that Afghanistan's
stability is guaranteed by Russia, Iran, India and Pakistan. That is
the way to go, not deal unilaterally with the Pakistani military. But
no one is listening in Washington, because they're completely
visionless at the moment. So the fact that these billions have been
spent to provide security to fight one particular enemy and now being
used to shore up the country against another supposed enemy shouldn't
come as a surprise to anyone. That's how things happen there.

JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to ask Manan Ahmed, the day that President 
Musharraf declared his state of the emergency a couple of months ago, 
there was a long article in the /New York Times/. Buried at the very
end of that article on the coup within a coup, in essence, was the
result of a public opinion poll that had been conducted by a Washington
firm in Pakistan, which showed that President Musharraf had a
popularity rating slightly better than George Bush, but not much, but
that Osama bin Laden was viewed favorably by more than 40% of the
Pakistani people, an astounding figure, in my mind. And I'm wondering,
your sense of this continued unrest and instability in Pakistan, now
this assassination, the impact of these changes on the growth of
fundamentalism within the Pakistani population.

MANAN AHMED: I think---I mean, part of the quote/unquote "threat" of, 
you know, an Islamist Pakistan is rather overblown. The recent history, 
both electoral politics and political discourse in the country clearly 
points that the Islamists have not been able to gather much support, 
even, you know, besides the sort of polls about Osama bin Laden and 
George Bush.

But that's not to say that in the last two years there hasn't been a 
marked increase in lack of stability and sort of, you know, what the 
Pakistani press calls foreign intervention in the areas in Balochistan, 
which is a separatist crisis, a crisis of federal versus state 
rights---it's a very real crisis with a long history---and in the sort 
of northwestern regions, Sawat, Peshawar. So there is something to the 
fact that militants, whether within Pakistan or from Afghanistan, are 
operating with greater autonomy.

Now, the military, of course, has the means and the power to deal with 
them. And they've been trying to do so with great casualties, I must 
add, in the last two years. But the basic point is that Musharraf lacks 
legitimacy from the people of Pakistan to fully commit to such actions 
in Balochistan and in the northwestern regions. And that political 
legitimacy translates to, you know, failure to act as strong as they 
would really like to do to carry out these operations. And that 
legitimacy is not going to come from even through the sort of, you
know, civilian presidential role that he has now put upon himself. That 
legitimacy can only come from a democratically elected people. And 
again, Pakistan's history is very clear that were inactions to happen, 
even now, the people will elect someone who---you know, parties who are 
not lockstep with some extremist ideology, as the mainstream media, at 
least in the United States, would have you believe.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: Hundreds of thousands of people have come out to mourn the 
death of Benazir Bhutto, the former Pakistani prime minister. She was 
assassinated yesterday. Our guests are Tariq Ali, British Pakistani 
historian, activist, commentator, knew Benazir Bhutto; Manan Ahmed, 
historian of modern Pakistan and South Asian Islam.

Another part of our headlines yesterday, before the assassination, a
top headline, the Washington Post reporting that US Special Forces 
expecting to vastly expand their presence in Pakistan in early 2008.
The US troops reportedly taking part in an effort to train and support 
Pakistani counterinsurgency forces and clandestine counterterrorism 
units. Tariq Ali, talk about the significance of this.

TARIQ ALI: Well, I think, you know, the significance of this is that
the United States refuses to understand that there is a big political 
problem which cannot be dealt with militarily. And that political 
problem can be summed up as follows, that the people of 
Afghanistan---like it or dislike it---do not like being occupied by 
foreign powers. They didn't like being occupied by the Russians, and 
they don't like being occupied by the United States and the NATO armies 
in their country. And as long as this foreign occupation lasts, there 
will be, you know, forms of resistance against it.

Now, this crisis and instability in Afghanistan is seeping across the 
border into northwestern Pakistan. Pakistan is, you know, sending
troops to fight some of the people who come over the border, some who
belong to Pakistan, who are fighting against NATO. They order their
soldiers to kill, and Pakistani soldiers are refusing to open fire.
That is essentially what's going on.

And the reason they're refusing to open fire is because for the last 
twenty-five years this ideology implanted in their heads when they're 
being trained to be soldiers in the Pakistan army is that your enemy is 
the Hindu. Your enemy is India. Your enemy is the traditional enemy of 
Pakistan and of Muslims, and these are the people you'll be fighting. 
This is what they've been led to believe.

Now they are being told that your enemies are other Muslims from a 
neighboring Muslim country, and so there's a massive crisis, a big 
psychological crisis, for lots of soldiers who are not fighting. In 
fact, you often read in the Pakistani press reports---twenty soldiers 
surrender, fifty soldiers surrender. And they are surrendering to
groups of four or five armed Taliban or, you know, non-Taliban fighters
from Afghanistan. This is impossible to understand, except in political
terms.

So training more specialized troops isn't going to do the trick, if 
there's this basic problem, which is, as Juan was asking earlier, when 
you have some of these opinion polls, the reason people say that if 
there's a choice between Bush and bin Laden, they'll back bin Laden, or 
between---it's not because they're extremists in that sense, but they 
don't like the fact that Pakistan is totally on its knees as a state 
before Washington and the United States. It doesn't argue with them. It 
doesn't resist them on any level at all. So the fact that it's 
independent is neither here nor there. So sending in more US troops is 
actually going to make things much, much worse for pro-US politicians
in that country. And they should be prepared for that.

JUAN GONZALEZ: Tariq, I'd like to ask you, in an article in November,
an extensive article on Pakistan, you delved in much detail into the
death of one of Benazir Bhutto's brothers, Murtaza Bhutto,
who---there's been much made of the history of violence in the family,
of violent deaths of her father and both of her brothers. But you go in
particular detail into the differences that had developed over the
years between Benazir and her brother. Could you talk about that?

TARIQ ALI: Well, this was a big tragedy for this family. But, yeah, I 
mean, essentially what happened is that when Murtaza Bhutto returned to 
the country, their mother, Nusrat Bhutto, was chairperson of the 
Pakistan People's Party. Benazir was the prime minister of Pakistan.
And the mother wanted Murtaza, as a member of the family and of the
party, to be made chief minister of the province of Sindh. At this
point, Benazir's husband, Asif Zardari, said that this was intolerable,
because he and Murtaza weren't exactly close. And Benazir then sacked
her mother as chairperson of the party and became chairperson for life
of the party herself. Her brother was being provoked by the local
bureaucracy in Sindh. And finally, one day, returning to his home, his
father's home, from where his father had been picked up by General
Zia's commandos, he found a police ambush. The police were hoping that
he would open fire, but he didn't. He came out, out of his car with his
bodyguards to surrender, and they shot him dead on the street, while
his sister was prime minister.

Now, you know, there was a judicial inquiry into this, where the
Murtaza Bhutto's family lawyers accused Benazir's husband of being
responsible for having organized all this. The judicial inquiry,
appointed by Benazir, said what while they couldn't exactly pin
the---you know, point the finger at any one person, there was
absolutely no doubt that the murder of Murtaza Bhutto had been
organized and ordered from the highest level. Well, you know, they
didn't have to say much more.

And Murtaza's daughter, Fatima, in an op-ed piece for the LA Times a 
few---four or five weeks ago, actually accused Benazir's husband of 
having carried out her father's murder eleven years ago. Just before
the media, independent media, was taken off the air by Musharraf, one
of the largest networks, Geo, was interviewing Benazir and asked her,
said, "How was it that when you were prime minister, your brother lay
bleeding to death outside his house? Were you---you know, what did you
know about that?" She walked out of the studio.

So this is a very awkward question, but I have studied all the 
documentation now, and I have little doubt that the murder was ordered 
at the highest levels. Whether she knew it was going to happen is an 
open question. She is the only one who knew, and she is now dead. But 
there is absolutely no doubt that unless an instruction from someone at 
Prime Minister's house, the police force in Karachi would not have 
killed the prime minister's brother. Things do not happen that way.

AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to ask you, Tariq Ali, about this quote of
Senator Barack Obama's top campaign strategist, David Axelrod, who
responded to the assassination by highlighting Hillary Clinton's vote
to support the US invasion of Iraq. He said, quote, "Barack Obama had
the judgment to oppose the war in Iraq, and he warned at the time that
it would divert us from Afghanistan and al-Qaeda, and now we see the
effect of that. Senator Clinton made a different judgment. Let's have
that discussion," he said.

TARIQ ALI: Well, I mean, you know, I think both of them were wrong, 
quite honestly. I think obviously Hillary Clinton was foolish, if not 
crazy, to support the war in Iraq. She couldn't see beyond her nose.
And it's good that Obama opposed it. But for Obama and, I may say, many 
others who say that the only reason they can't do anything in 
Afghanistan is because they are bogged down in Iraq is nonsense. I
mean, they took Afghanistan without a fight. There was no---in the
early years, there was no resistance at all. And the reason for that is
that the Taliban didn't fight. The Pakistani army told them, "Don't
fight back now. We don't want to have any more people killed. Let them
take over the country."

AMY GOODMAN: But the point of Axelrod's comment, the top strategist for 
Barack Obama, was responding to the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, 
saying that here you have the war in Iraq, it diverted us from 
Afghanistan and al-Qaeda, and now we see the effect of this, responding 
to Benazir Bhutto. And this has caused a bit of an uproar here 
saying---as he's saying that Hillary Clinton is, you know, partially 
responsible by supporting the war and then seeing the surge of al-Qaeda 
in other places.

TARIQ ALI: Well, Amy, I mean, all I can say to that is, you know, 
politicians will say anything in the run-up to the primaries. But let's 
assume they hadn't invaded Iraq, OK? And let's assume that they had
sent twice as many soldiers into Afghanistan. I mean, the Russians,
after all, did that. The notion that this would have somehow
transformed the situation in Afghanistan is a joke. We don't even know
to this day whether al-Qaeda was behind Benazir Bhutto's killing. I'm
amazed to see newspaper headlines in quite a lot of Western newspapers.
There is no evidence for it. For her to be killed not far from military 
headquarters, Pakistan's military capital, in the heart of the city, I 
personally find it very difficult to believe that any group of
religious extremists could have carried this out without some support
from some agency within the establishment. I can't believe it. So they
assume that al-Qaeda carried this out.

But to return to Obama, if you'd had, you know, three times as more US 
troops in Afghanistan, casualties would have been higher. People would 
have---more people would have been fighting it. The real problem in 
Afghanistan is that they occupied it without having any understanding 
whatsoever what they were going to do. They put Karzai in, and they 
couldn't do anything to transform the lives of ordinary people in that 
country. You have large-scale corruption with Karzai and his cronies 
getting rich, with Karzai's brother actually in charge of the heroin 
trade and arms smuggling. That's the problem, that the people they put 
in had---were feathering their own nests. So I think Obama is out of 
line on this. I mean, there is no guarantee that if he had sent twice
or three times as many troops, that the situation would have been any 
better. It could have been worse.

JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to ask Manan Ahmed about the whole issue of the 
assassination and also its impact on the Bush administration policies 
regarding Pakistan. Clearly, all indications, or at least in the press 
in the US, are pointing to al-Qaeda. But as Tariq Ali raises the issue 
of the government's involvement is not---is certainly not out of the 
question. Your sense of the security precautions for Benazir Bhutto and 
also the impact on the Bush administration's policies there?

MANAN AHMED: Right. On the security front, there was lots of reports in 
local media in the last three or four days about the rally and specific 
threats made against Benazir Bhutto at that specific rally. And in
fact, there was a report issued by the government saying the security
at Liaquat Bagh is going to be foolproof and, you know, we're taking
all steps to make sure that she has---you know, that she's completely 
secure. So, obviously, you know, reality did not jibe with whatever 
aversion that the government was sort of publicly proclaiming.

But I want to sort of step back a little bit and talk about this notion 
of how the United States has, since 1951, when Liaquat Ali Khan was 
assassinated, another prime minister of Pakistan, and military regimes 
were put in place---there has been the---you know, American foreign 
policy has been towards developing individuals, you know, people that 
they can sort of work with and trust in these key areas in Pakistan and 
other Southeast Asia and the world. And so, you have a political
climate which is geared towards cult of personality or charismatic
leadership, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto being another key example, Benazir's
father, and then Benazir herself when she comes back. And so, a lot of,
you know, discussions, such as Tariq Ali, the history that he sort of
described about Bhutto's machinations in power and her turmoil in her
family life, goes to the fact that Pakistan was not allowed or did not
have an adequate political sort of social structure---political
structure throughout its history. So you have these personalities that
at some point drop in and drop out, are assassinated, are blown out of
the sky, as General Zia-ul-Haq was, and you end up to this day, where
Benazir Bhutto is assassinated---entire foreign policy in the White
House hinged on her---there is a complete vacuum of any leadership,
outside of her, in that party at the moment.

So, you know, even if elections, as the White House is saying, that,
you know, elections should go forth---which, again, is ludicrous---on 
January the 8th, well, who is going to stand on those elections in
terms of leadership, true leadership? There is none in the People's
Party, since Benazir sort of gathered all that influence into her own
person, even in exile. And the same situation is true in other main
parties in Pakistan.

So the way forward for the Bush administration is to support, you know, 
true democratic reform in Pakistan, which is a lot harder than
occupying Iraq or occupying Afghanistan. It is. It's very hard, and
there is no guarantee that things will turn out to Washington's liking.
But there is a guarantee that people of Pakistan will have a true hope
of going forward in their country and experiencing freedom and
democracy as, you know, the Bush administration reminds us is the right
of every human being.

AMY GOODMAN: Tariq Ali, finally---we have fifteen seconds---what you
see as the future of Pakistan right now?

TARIQ ALI: Well, I think that General Musharraf's days are numbered. He 
has blown it. He was entrusted by Washington with pushing through this 
deal with Benazir. He wasn't able to do it. She was murdered on his 
watch. So I think sooner rather than later they'll be looking for 
someone else to remain---to replace him. And Pakistan's dark night will 
continue. We will enter into a new cycle of military rulers and corrupt 
politicians.

AMY GOODMAN: Tariq Ali, we have to leave it there. Tariq Ali, British 
Pakistani historian, activist and commentator; Manan Ahmed, historian
of modern Pakistan and South Asia, blogs at Juan Cole's internatinal
affairs blog at http://icga.blogspot.com as well as Chapati
Mystery at http://www.chapatimystery.com.